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Blues talks about the simultaneity of good and bad cholesterol levels pediatric buy generic crestor 10 mg, as feeling, as something felt. Both the tensions between African-American women and men and the strong attachment that we feel for one another represent a rejection of binary thinking and an acceptance of the both/and conceptual stance in Black feminist thought. Understanding this love and trouble tradition requires assessing the influence of heterosexist, Eurocentric gender ideology-particularly ideas about men and women advanced by the traditional family ideal-on African-American women and men. Analyses claiming that African-Americans would be just like Whites if offered comparable opportunities implicitly support prevailing sexual politics. Such thinking offers hegemonic gender ideologies of White masculinity and White femininity as models for African-Americans to emulate. Similarly, those proclaiming that Black men experience a more severe form of racial oppression than Black women routinely counsel African-American women to subjugate our needs to those of Black men (see. However, advising Black women to unquestioningly support sexual harassment, domestic violence, and other forms of sexism done by U. Black men buttresses a form of sexual politics that differently controls everyone. As Audre Lorde queries, "If society ascribes roles to black men which they are not allowed to fulfill, is it black women who must bend and alter our lives to compensate, or is it society that needs changing Black women intellectuals directly challenge not only the derogation of African-American women within prevailing sexual politics-for example, the controlling images of mammy, the matriarch, the welfare mother, and the jezebel-but often base this rejection on a more general critique of Eurocentric heterosexism itself. Black feminist activists point out, the sexual politics of Black womanhood limits the development of transformative social justice projects within Black civil society. Black activist Frances Beale identifies the negative effects that sexism within the Black community had on Black political activism in the 1960s: Unfortunately, there seems to be some confusion in the Movement today as to who has been oppressing whom. Since the advent of Black power, the Black male has exerted a more prominent leadership role in our struggle for justice in this country. From Black conservatism to Black nationalism, regardless of Black political perspective, an implicit male bias persists. The inordinate emphasis placed on providing more Black male role models for Black boys in contemporary Black political theory and practice often occurs by neglecting the needs of girls. This masculinist bias spurred two Black feminist thinkers to observe: "The struggle is defined as one to reclaim and redefine Black manhood. Ironically, this is also the point at which the politics and positions of some cultural nationalists, liberals and right-wing conservatives seem to converge" (Ransby and Matthews, 1993, 60). While some African-American women criticize the sexual politics that accompanies intersecting oppressions, even fewer have directly challenged Black men who accept prevailing notions of both Black and White masculinity (Wallace 1978). As long as she and her man are together, she wants him to show some "respect" for her. In her song "Unity," Queen Latifah asks for a man who knows how to respect a woman. A good man is one who makes a woman laugh, does not run around with other women, has a good body, is a good lover, can hold a decent conversation, and "spends time with his kids when he can. Therefore it is perceived as an offense for black women to struggle on their own, let alone achieve something independently. Thus, no matter how original, beautiful, and formidable the works of black women writers might be, black men become "offended" if such works bear the slightest criticism of them, or if the women receive recognition from other women, especially from the white literary establishment. They do not behave as though something of value has been added to the annals of black literature. Rather, they behave as though something has been subtracted, not only from the literature, but from the entire race, and specifically, from them. Avoiding being reduced to the "genitalia and the paycheck" requires developing a comprehensive analysis of how prevailing sexual politics influences Black heterosexual love relationships. In developing this analysis, however, it is equally important to keep in mind the analytical distinction between the interpersonal domain of power where men and women as individuals interact, and how broader overarching structures of power operate to encourage these individual outcomes. Such attitudes are in the very fiber of American society; they have infected us all-including women. Black men may not be in corporate boardrooms, and thus cannot be blamed for actions aimed at protecting the privileges associated with White masculinity (Ferber 1998). They can be held accountable, no matter how badly treated they may be under racial oppression, for how they treat Black women, children, and each other. The antagonism that many African-American women and men feel and express toward one another reflects the contradictions characterizing Black masculinity and Black femininity within prevailing U. Thus, when AfricanAmerican men see Black women as little more than mammies, matriarchs, or "hoochies," or even if they insist on placing African-American women on the same queenly pedestal reserved for White women, they objectify not only Black women but themselves (Gardner 1980). Conversely, when Black women demand of their partners, "Show me the money," they not only reduce Black men to a measure of their financial worth, but reinscribe controlling images of themselves as materialistic "bitches. In her article "Sensuous Sapphires: A Study of the Social Construction of Black Female Sexuality," Annecka Marshall (1994) explores how Black women perceived the controlling images applied to them and how they negotiated those images in shaping their sexual selves. The women in her study saw the limitations of Eurocentric scripts of Black femininity concerning sexuality, and reported diverse strategies in dealing with them. Some feel that they must choose between being seen as asexual mothers or hypersexual whores. Others recognize the power that being seen as "sensuous sapphires" has in how others see them, and try to exempt themselves from the category. Marshall also reports a range of coping strategies where women aim to challenge the very foundations of the images themselves. Until recently, many heterosexual Black men have remained either unable to challenge controlling images of Black masculinity or have been unwilling to try. On the one hand, Black men have been constructed as sexually violent rapists, as brutes, and as irresponsible boys who fail to marry the mothers of their children and financially support their children. Whereas Black men under slavery knew that they were not these things, their powerlessness denied them the trappings of manhood as defined by White propertied men.

Citizenship rights enable AfricanAmerican women to pursue focused educations and challenge these portrayals of U cholesterol score breakdown purchase 10 mg crestor with amex. These moves toward empowerment are important, yet they remain dependent on ideas about American citizenship and therefore American national identity. For example, through its reliance on rules, the disciplinary domain manages domination. African-American women rule breakers and rule benders and, upon occasion, Black women who capture positions of authority so that they can change the rules themselves become empowered within the disciplinary domain. One characteristic feature of this domain is its emphasis on large-scale, interlocking social institutions. These interlocking social institutions have relied on multiple forms of segregation-by race, class, and gender-to produce these unjust results. Racial segregation rested on the "separate but equal" doctrine established under the 1896 ruling of Plessy v. Ferguson where the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of segregation of groups. Under the "separate but equal" doctrine, Blacks and Whites as groups could be segregated as long as the law was color-blind in affording each group equal treatment. Despite the supposed formal equality promised by "separate but equal," subsequent treatment certainly was separate, but it was anything but equal. As a result, policies and procedures with housing, education, industry, government, the media, and other major social institutions have worked together to exclude Black women from exercising full citizenship rights. Whether this social exclusion has taken the form of relegating Black women to inner-city neighborhoods poorly served by social services, to poorly funded and racially segregated public schools, or to a narrow cluster of jobs in the labor market, the intent was to exclude. Within the structural domain of power, empowerment cannot accrue to individuals and groups without transforming U. Because this domain is large-scale, systemwide, and has operated over a long period of time via interconnected social institutions, segregation of this magnitude cannot be changed overnight. Structural forms of injustice that permeate the entire society yield only grudgingly to change. A civil war preceded the abolition of slavery when all efforts to negotiate a settlement failed. Southern states routinely ignored the citizenship rights of Blacks, and even when confronted with the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision that outlawed racial segregation, many dug in their heels and refused to uphold the law. Massive demonstrations, media exposure, and federal troops all were deployed to implement this fundamental policy change. The reemergence of White supremacist organizations in the 1990s, many of which recirculate troubling racist ideologies of prior eras, speaks to the deep-seated resentment attached to Black women, among others, working toward a more just U. In the United States, visible social protest of this magnitude, while often required to bring about change, remains more the exception than the rule. Black women, social change has more often been gradual and reformist, punctuated by episodes of systemwide upheaval. Trying to change the policies and procedures themselves, typically through social reforms, constitutes an important cluster of strategies within the structural domain. African-American women have aimed to challenge the laws that legitimate racial segregation. Grassroots organizations, forming national advocacy organizations, and eventspecific social protest such as boycotts and sit-ins have all been used, yet changing the laws and the terms of their implementation have formed the focus of change. Even the development of parallel social institutions such as Black churches and schools have aimed to prepare African-Americans for full participation in U. African-American women have experienced considerable success not only in getting laws changed, but in stimulating government action to redress past wrongs. The Voting Rights Act of 1964, the Civil Rights Act of 1965, and other important federal, state, and local legislation have outlawed discrimination by race, sex, national origin, age, or disability status. This changed legal climate granted African-American women some protection from the widespread discrimination that we faced in the past. At the same time, class-action lawsuits against discriminatory housing, educational, and employment policies have resulted in tangible benefits for many Black women. Ironically, the same laws designed to protect African-American women from social exclusion have increasingly become used against Black women. Instead, the rhetoric of color-blindness was reformulated to refer to the equal treatment of individuals by not discriminating among them. Under this new rhetoric of color-blindness, equality meant treating all individuals the same, regardless of differences they brought with them due to the effects of past discrimination or even discrimination in other venues. Within this logic, the path to equality lies in ignoring race, gender, and other markers of historical discrimination that might account for any differences that individuals bring to schools and the workplace. As a new rule that maintains long-standing hierarchies of race, class, and gender while appearing to provide equal treatment, this rhetoric of color-blindness has had some noteworthy effects. For one, observes Black feminist legal scholar Patricia Williams (1995), it fosters a certain kind of race thinking among Whites: Because the legal system has now formally equalized individual access to housing, schooling, and jobs, any unequal group results, such as those that characterize gaps between Blacks and Whites, must somehow lie within the individuals themselves or their culture. Black women who make claims of discrimination and who demand that policies and procedures may not be as fair as they seem can more easily be dismissed as complainers who want special, unearned favors. Moreover, within a rhetoric of color-blindness that defends the theme of no inherent differences among races, or of gender-neutrality that claims no differences among genders, it becomes difficult to talk of racial and gender differences that stem from discriminatory treatment. Beliefs such as these thus allow Whites and men to support a host of punitive policies that reinscribe social heirarchies of race and gender. In her discussion of how racism now relies on encoded language Angela Davis identifies how this rhetoric of color-blindness can operate as a form of "camouflaged racism": Because race is ostracized from some of the most impassioned political debates of this period, their racialized character becomes increasingly difficult to identify, especially by those who are unable-or do not want- to decipher the encoded language. This means that hidden racist arguments can be mobilized readily across racial boundaries and political alignments.

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Many of the women described in this volume who advance Black feminist thought do so from jobs held as bankers cholesterol value in eggs buy crestor 20 mg, college professors, corporate executives, news producers, teachers, social workers, physicians, and managers. Unlike Black women from prior eras who were confined to either agricultural or domestic work, these women hold positions of authority within major social institutions. On the other hand, this same inclusion raises new questions, primarily because the organizations they struggled so long to enter can look entirely different once they get inside. The Disciplinary Domain of Power Ordering schools, industries, hospitals, banks, and realtors to stop discriminating against Black women does not mean that these and other social institutions will comply. Laws may change, but the organizations that they regulate rarely change as rapidly. As these women gained new angles of vision on the many ways that organizations discriminate, organizations searched for new ways to suppress Black women. If you can no longer keep Black women outside, then how can they best be regulated once they are inside As a way of ruling that relies on bureaucratic hierarchies and techniques of surveillance, the disciplinary domain manages power relations. It does so not through social policies that are explicitly racist or sexist, but through the ways in which organizations are run (Foucault 1979). The disciplinary domain of power has increased in importance with the growing significance of bureaucracy as a mode of modern social organization. As an increasingly prevalent feature of modern, transnational social organization-capitalist and socialist countries alike depend on bureaucracies- this style of organization becomes highly efficient in both reproducing intersecting oppressions and in masking their effects. Bureaucracies, regardless of the policies they promote, remain dedicated to disciplining and controlling their workforces and clientele. Whether the inner-city public schools that many Black girls attend, the low-paid jobs in the rapidly growing service sector that young Black women are increasingly forced to take, the culture of the social welfare bureaucracy that makes Black mothers and children wait for hours, or the "mammified" work assigned to Black women professionals, the goal is the same-creating quiet, orderly, docile, and disciplined populations of Black women. In this bureaucratic context, surveillance has emerged as an important feature of the disciplinary domain of power. There is a marked difference between merely looking at Black women and keeping them under surveillance. For example, within prisons, guards watch Black female inmates; within businesses, middle managers supervise Black women clerical staff; and within universities, professors train "their" Black female graduate students within academic "disciplines. Ironically, Black women prison guards, middle managers, and professors may themselves be watched by wardens, business executives, and university deans. In these settings, discipline is ensured by keeping Black women as a mutually policing subordinate population under surveillance. When it comes to the disciplinary domain of power, resistance from inside bureaucracies constitutes the overarching strategy. Ironically, just as organizations may keep Black women under surveillance, these same Black women have the capacity to keep organizations themselves under surveillance. This insider resistance tries to capture positions of authority within social institutions in order to ensure that existing rules will be fairly administered and, if need be, to change existing policies. Once inside, many Black women realize much more than getting hired is required to bring about change. Black women find themselves searching for innovative ways to foster bureaucratic change (see. An African-American colleague of mine once referred to this process as one of viewing her university as an egg and her job as one of "working the cracks. Her insider administrative position granted her a view of higher education not as a well-oiled bureaucracy that was impervious to change, but at a series of cracks and fissures that represented organizational weaknesses. As she described it, she was committed to "working the cracks" and changing her workplace by persistent use of her insider knowledge concerning its pressure points. Without much fanfare, they push for policy changes that move their organizations closer to basic fairness. Rarely mentioning words such as "racism," "sexism," "discrimination," and the like, they find innovative ways to work the system so that it will become more fair. On the other hand, capturing positions of authority can foster new and unanticipated forms of disciplinary control. With dismay, many Black women in the United States come to recognize that, whether intentional or not, different sets of rules may be applied to them that distinguish them from their counterparts. Whereas their diplomas and prior training may qualify them on paper, they may be treated as second-class citizens. In this sense, the experiences of former generations of Black women domestic workers provide a template for analyzing the reactions of Black women who now desegregate a variety of bureaucracies. The existence of a collective wisdom available to domestic workers did not negate the heterogeneous responses they had to their jobs. Within the group, many individual responses emerged, most shaped by the actual working conditions that individual women encountered. The relations within bureaucracies are much the same-how African-American women choose to deal with the changing forms of disciplinary power seems more the issue than the codification of this domain of power in large, impersonal bureaucracies. Black feminism in the academy offers a provocative case of these crosscutting relationships. Disciplinary pressures may explain, in part, the mismatch between issues that often most interest U. Black women academics and those of pressing concern to large numbers of African-American women. Ordinary, everyday women are often accused of either being "afraid" of feminism or being so downtrodden by daily obligations and the whims of their men that they cannot think about their own subordination. Such analyses should have implications for public policy, as well as what types of actions for community development are required to position U. Davis may be deeply committed to Black feminist politics, but she may not be the kind of "Black feminist" that U.

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Exotic species were not to be introduced in waters where only native fish existed; and in waters where exotic and native fish both existed printable list of cholesterol lowering foods generic 10mg crestor otc, the native species were to be ``definitely encouraged. A superintendent was permitted to stock waters previously barren of fish unless he determined that the lake or stream was of ``greater value without the presence of fishermen. Cammerer refined this last point in his 1936 annual report by specifying that native species would be ``favored' in waters where such species ``are of equal or superior value from the standpoint of fishing. In some locations, as at Mammoth Beaver Ponds in the Yellowstone River drainage, previously fishless lakes were first stocked about the time the policy was declared, and such stocking continued for years afterward. Not even mentioned in the new policy, the shipment of millions of fish eggs (including both native and exotic species) from national parks to nonpark areas continued unchecked throughout this period. He asserted that the new policies would mean continued ``maintenance of good fishing' and that the Service was ``definitely' committed to fishing as a ``recreational activity in parks. Victor Cahalane commented in 1939 that the Service deemed fishing to be acceptable because of the ``readily replaceable nature of fish resources,' and because sportfishing resulted in ``recreational benefits far outweighing any possible impairment of natural conditions. Forests As with fish, the management of national park forests in the 1930s continued established practices. The conflict over forestry practices exposed fundamental differences between the biologists and much of the rest of the Park Service. National park forestry operations expanded tremendously during the New Deal, receiving far more funds and support from the emergency relief programs than any other natural resource management activity in the parks. Especially has the fire hazard been reduced and the appearance of forest stands greatly improved by cleanup work along many miles of park highways; many areas of unsightly burns have been cleared; miles of fire trails and truck trails have been constructed for the protection of the park forests and excellent work accomplished in insect control and blister-rust control and in other lines of forest protection; improvements have been made in the construction and development of telephone lines, fire lookouts, and guard cabins; and landscaping and erosion control [have] been undertaken. The forestry management policies that Coffman and Ansel Hall had prepared provided guidance for the Park Service throughout the decade. Under these policies the forests were to be ``as completely protected as possible' against fire, insects, fungi, and ``grazing by domestic animals,' among other threats. This comprehensive protection was to be extended to ``all park areas' associated with ``brush, grass, or other cover. Significantly, although the Park Service had begun building a cadre of wildlife biologists, the bureau did not hire plant biologists or botanists per se. Rather, it hired ``foresters,' who were deeply influenced by the management practices of the U. Forest Service, particularly regarding control of forest fires, insects, and disease. With the foresters maintaining such traditional attitudes, the wildlife biologists were left with few allies to argue the case for ecological management in the parks. They objected to building fire roads through natural areas and clearing hazardous dead trees and snags that contributed to the fuel buildup and increased the possibility of fire. Indeed, the wildlife biologists were never in agreement with the forest management policies written by Coffman and Hall. Roadside clearing, a widespread practice in national parks, was intended as a fire protection measure but, in the words of a Park Service manual, was equally important as a means ``to improve the appearance of the immediate landscape of the main drive' through parks. A conflicting view came from Wright, who wrote Director Cammerer early in 1934 of the need to consider ``all sides of the question' regarding clearing of hazardous debris along park roadsides, including the concern for ``wild life 128 the Rise and Decline of Ecological Attitudes values. He urged that the Service ``reconsider' and determine ``exactly under what conditions and in what parks roadside clean-up is a benefit and to what extent it should be carried on. Nevertheless, clearing was widely accepted in the Service and remained a common practice in the parks. With many of the trees only partially burned, the tract seemed ripe for another fire, which could spread to adjacent, unburned forests. A meeting in the park in July provoked disagreement on the propriety of cutting and removing all of the dead trees, whether standing or fallen. The contentious debate reflected sharp divergence between the wildlife biologists and the foresters on fire protection and overall national park policy. Following the meeting in Glacier, Murie reported to the Wildlife Division in Washington his intense opposition to the proposed clearing. In a lengthy letter, he wrote that the burned area was still in a natural condition and questioned the desirability of ``removing a natural habitat from a national park. Moreover, Murie argued, this large clearing project could be used to justify ``almost any kind of landscape manipulation' in the future. Murie concluded his argument with an opinion surely unheard of in national park management before the wildlife biologists began their work under George Wright: ``To those interested in preserving wilderness, destroying a natural condition in a burn is just as sacrilegious as destroying a green forest. The dead forest which it is proposed to destroy is the forest we should set out to protect. Beyond adequate detection, fire protection depended on ``easy access' into the forests and the ``reduction of potential fuel' through clearing- both of which would result from the proposed work in Glacier. Cook anticipated a rapid recovery of forest growth, but only if the area were cleared of dead trees so it would not be burned over by another, more damaging fire. Seeking to protect the beauty of the forests, he also recognized that this part of Glacier was intensively used; it was seen, he claimed, ``by more travellers than any other in the park. Cook insisted that the foresters were seeking to preserve the ``natural values' of the parks, while also providing for the ``greatest use and enjoyment of the parks with the least destruction. Man has already and will continue to affect the natural conditions of the areas, and it is just as much a part of the Service Policy to provide for their enjoyment as it is to preserve the natural conditions. There is no longer any such thing as a balance of nature in our parks-man has modified it. The conflicting approaches to national park management were evidenced in disagreements over other aspects of forestry. Continuing the practices of the Mather era as affirmed in the forest policies, both Albright and Cammerer supported aggressive war against forest insects and disease, regularly calling on the Bureau of Entomology and the Bureau of Plant Industry for expert assistance. In his last annual report (1933), Director Albright noted that ``successful campaigns' had been waged against insects in park forests, ending or reducing several major epidemics.